GPT said:
The deinstitutionalization wave, especially from the 1960s–1980s, is often cast as a moral victory. But in practice, it replaced total institutions with neglect cloaked as freedom. Community-based services were never adequately funded or integrated, particularly for people with mental illness. This abandonment functions as a passive form of elimination: the lives of the non-normative are neither supported nor grieved. It fulfills the eugenic logic of “removal” without the scandal of active intervention. In this sense, deinstitutionalization echoes the eugenic ideology of disappearance—except now it's bureaucratically sanitized.
You said:
ChatGPT said:
Yes, this critique of deinstitutionalization can be supported by a substantial body of empirical evidence from public health, psychiatry, sociology, and disability studies. Here are some of the key empirical supports for each part of the claim:
1. “Replaced total institutions with neglect cloaked as freedom”
-
Inadequate community services: Research shows that community mental health services have consistently been underfunded relative to institutional care. In the U.S., the Community Mental Health Centers Act of 1963 was supposed to fund robust community alternatives, but fewer than half of the promised centers were built.
-
[Source: Lamb & Bachrach, Psychiatric Services, 2001]
-
-
"Revolving door" phenomenon: Many patients released during deinstitutionalization were unable to access or sustain community-based care, leading to cycles of homelessness, incarceration, and acute hospitalization.
-
[Source: Torrey et al., Treatment Advocacy Center, multiple reports]
-
2. “Community-based services were never adequately funded or integrated”
-
A 2015 U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) report found that fragmented and poorly coordinated systems often left people with serious mental illness without access to comprehensive care.
-
Mental health spending shifted to crisis services (e.g., ER visits, jails) rather than preventive or long-term support systems.
-
[Source: Mechanic, Milbank Quarterly, 2007]
-
-
In the UK, similar patterns followed the Care in the Community reforms starting in the 1980s: psychiatric hospital closures outpaced the creation of community services.
-
[Source: McPherson & Armstrong, British Journal of Psychiatry, 2006]
-
3. “This abandonment functions as a passive form of elimination”
-
Mortality gap: People with serious mental illness die 10–25 years earlier than the general population, mostly from preventable physical conditions linked to poor healthcare access, poverty, and social isolation.
-
[Source: WHO, 2018; Walker et al., World Psychiatry, 2015]
-
-
Criminalization of mental illness: U.S. jails and prisons are now the largest de facto mental health institutions. Up to 44% of jail inmates and 37% of prison inmates have a mental health diagnosis.
-
[Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2017]
-
This represents a shift from institutional care to carceral management, with no therapeutic mandate—what sociologists refer to as “transcarceration.”
4. “Fulfills the eugenic logic of ‘removal’ without the scandal of active intervention”
-
Eugenic logic via neglect: While eugenics in its early-20th-century form used sterilization and confinement, modern “removal” is subtler. Sociologist Alexandra Minna Stern and disability historian Susan Schweik describe how neoliberal logics of “cost-efficiency” render some lives economically unviable, leading to bureaucratic abandonment.
-
[Source: Stern, Eugenic Nation, 2005; Schweik, The Ugly Laws, 2009]
-
-
No public mourning: Judith Butler's concept of “grievable lives” applies here. The lives of the severely mentally ill are largely invisible in the public sphere and their deaths are often unremarked upon.
-
[Source: Butler, Precarious Life, 2004]
-
5. “Bureaucratically sanitized”
-
Managed neglect: The bureaucracy of modern healthcare and disability services often disperses responsibility so no one is accountable for outcomes. Policies may appear rights-based, but without enforceable obligations or sufficient funding, they become hollow promises.
-
[Source: Mol & Law, Complexities: Social Studies of Knowledge Practices, 2002]
-
In Sum:
What was framed as liberation in deinstitutionalization too often became “freedom to fail” in underresourced, indifferent systems. The result has been a form of structural violence—passive, distributed, and bureaucratically managed—whose outcomes resemble the eugenic logic of disappearance: some lives are not worth sustaining, so they are allowed to fall away.
Would you like a visual summary or references list compiled?
You said:
ChatGPT said:
Here’s a compiled list of key empirical and scholarly references that support the critique of deinstitutionalization you quoted:
📘 Historical and Policy Context
-
Lamb, H.R. & Bachrach, L.L. (2001).
Some Perspectives on Deinstitutionalization.
Psychiatric Services, 52(8), 1039–1045.
— Classic review showing how deinstitutionalization unfolded without adequate community infrastructure. -
Mechanic, D. (2007).
Mental Health Services Then and Now.
Milbank Quarterly, 85(3), 529–553.
— Demonstrates how mental health policy shifts failed to create sustainable community alternatives. -
Scull, A. (2015).
Madness in Civilization: A Cultural History of Insanity.
— Situates deinstitutionalization within a long arc of social control and economic rationality.
📉 Underfunding and Service Gaps
-
United States Government Accountability Office (2015).
Mental Health: HHS Leadership Needed to Coordinate Federal Efforts Related to Serious Mental Illness.
— Exposes fragmentation and lack of coordinated oversight in community mental health efforts. -
Torrey, E. Fuller et al. (2014).
The Shortage of Public Hospital Beds for Mentally Ill Persons: A Report of the Treatment Advocacy Center.
— Documents the decline in psychiatric beds and the resulting human costs.
🚨 Carceral and Mortality Outcomes
-
Bureau of Justice Statistics (2017).
Indicators of Mental Health Problems Reported by Prisoners and Jail Inmates, 2011–12.
— Reveals the scale of mental illness in carceral institutions post-deinstitutionalization. -
Walker, E. R., McGee, R. E., & Druss, B. G. (2015).
Mortality in Mental Disorders and Global Disease Burden Implications: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis.
World Psychiatry, 14(2), 153–160.
— Shows dramatically shortened life expectancy for people with serious mental illness. -
World Health Organization (2018).
Management of Physical Health Conditions in Adults with Severe Mental Disorders.
— Emphasizes the systemic neglect of health in psychiatric populations.
🧬 Eugenics by Other Means
-
Stern, Alexandra Minna (2005).
Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America.
— Tracks how eugenic logics persist through new bureaucratic forms. -
Schweik, Susan M. (2009).
The Ugly Laws: Disability in Public.
— Explores the historical criminalization of disability and its echoes today. -
Ben-Moshe, Liat (2020).
Decarcerating Disability: Deinstitutionalization and Prison Abolition.
— Links deinstitutionalization with prison expansion and critiques the ableism embedded in both.
📖 Theoretical Grounding: Grievability and Bureaucratic Violence
-
Butler, Judith (2004).
Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence.
— Introduces the idea of “grievable lives” and how some populations are excluded from public mourning. -
Mol, Annemarie & Law, John (2002).
Complexities: Social Studies of Knowledge Practices.
— Argues that modern bureaucracies often distribute responsibility to avoid accountability. If you’d like, I can annotate these sources for a literature review, or extract quotes from each. Would that be helpful?
You said:
The formerChatGPT said:
Here’s an annotated literature review of the key sources that empirically support the claim that deinstitutionalization often functioned as a bureaucratically sanitized form of passive elimination:
1. Lamb, H.R. & Bachrach, L.L. (2001).
Title: Some Perspectives on Deinstitutionalization
Published in: Psychiatric Services, 52(8), 1039–1045
Annotation:
This foundational review outlines the trajectory of deinstitutionalization in the U.S., emphasizing how psychiatric hospital discharges vastly outpaced the development of community-based supports. It documents how poor planning, political expediency, and budgetary retrenchment turned a liberatory ideal into a system of neglect. The authors show how many former patients lacked access to housing, employment, and coordinated care—paving the way for the “revolving door” of hospitalization and homelessness.
2. Mechanic, D. (2007).
Title: Mental Health Services Then and Now
Published in: Milbank Quarterly, 85(3), 529–553
Annotation:
Mechanic reviews mental health service delivery over several decades, showing that deinstitutionalization occurred without proper investment in outpatient care. He traces how economic and political incentives led to the erosion of long-term care planning. The result, he argues, was a "system without walls" that provided little structure or support for the most vulnerable—a shift that relied on the fiction of community care while structurally disabling it.
3. United States Government Accountability Office (2015).
Title: Mental Health: HHS Leadership Needed to Coordinate Federal Efforts Related to Serious Mental Illness
Annotation:
This GAO report provides quantitative data on the failure of interagency coordination in U.S. mental health services. It highlights fragmentation, duplication, and chronic underfunding of community services. The absence of federal oversight contributes to a patchwork of care, where individuals with serious mental illness frequently fall through systemic cracks.
4. Torrey, E. Fuller et al. (2014).
Title: The Shortage of Public Hospital Beds for Mentally Ill Persons
Organization: Treatment Advocacy Center
Annotation:
This advocacy report tracks the reduction of psychiatric beds across U.S. states and connects the decline to increases in homelessness, incarceration, and psychiatric emergencies. Torrey argues that without hospital-level care for acute and chronic psychiatric needs, communities default to more punitive or neglectful strategies—effectively criminalizing mental illness.
5. Walker, E.R., McGee, R.E., & Druss, B.G. (2015).
Title: Mortality in Mental Disorders and Global Disease Burden Implications
Published in: World Psychiatry, 14(2), 153–160
Annotation:
This meta-analysis documents that individuals with serious mental illness die 10–25 years earlier than the general population, largely due to preventable conditions. The findings implicate systemic failures in both mental and physical healthcare, reinforcing the view that these lives are neglected structurally, not just individually.
6. Bureau of Justice Statistics (2017).
Title: Indicators of Mental Health Problems Reported by Prisoners and Jail Inmates, 2011–12
Annotation:
This official dataset reveals that 37% of prisoners and 44% of jail inmates report mental health problems. These statistics support the idea that prisons and jails have become the new default institutions for people with untreated mental illness—a form of transcarceration that mirrors the warehouse function of old asylums but without therapeutic purpose.
7. Stern, Alexandra Minna (2005).
Title: Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America
Annotation:
Stern examines how early 20th-century eugenics has morphed into more bureaucratic and neoliberal forms of exclusion. She traces how economic utility increasingly defines social worth, enabling the continuation of eugenic logic under different guises—particularly through cost-cutting health policies that indirectly target marginalized lives.
8. Schweik, Susan M. (2009).
Title: The Ugly Laws: Disability in Public
Annotation:
Schweik excavates the history of ordinances that criminalized visible disability and links them to contemporary practices of invisibilizing and marginalizing disabled individuals. The book provides historical continuity between overt forms of social exclusion and the passive but still violent practices of neglect and abandonment today.
9. Ben-Moshe, Liat (2020).
Title: Decarcerating Disability: Deinstitutionalization and Prison Abolition
Annotation:
Ben-Moshe provides a deeply theorized, abolitionist critique of deinstitutionalization. She argues that while institutions were closed, new forms of confinement emerged—particularly carceral. Her analysis shows how both disability and criminality are governed through regimes of control and elimination, often disguised as care or reform.
10. Butler, Judith (2004).
Title: Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence
Annotation:
Butler introduces the concept of “grievable lives”—those whose loss is publicly acknowledged and mourned. Applying this to the context of deinstitutionalization, the deaths and suffering of people with serious mental illness often go unmarked and ungrieved, signaling a social consensus about whose lives matter.
11. Mol, Annemarie & Law, John (2002).
Title: Complexities: Social Studies of Knowledge Practices
Annotation:
Mol and Law show how modern systems disperse responsibility across bureaucracies, preventing any clear agent from being accountable for failure. In the context of mental health, this explains how neglect persists under the guise of policy, procedure, and efficiency—leaving individuals unsupported while maintaining the appearance of care.
Would you like help turning this into a working paper, policy memo, or public-facing article?
Title: Bureaucratized Disappearance: A Critical Empirical Reassessment of Deinstitutionalization
Abstract: This working paper challenges the prevailing moral narrative of deinstitutionalization as a triumph of civil rights and individual liberty. Drawing on empirical data, policy analysis, and disability studies, it argues that deinstitutionalization, particularly in the U.S. context from the 1960s onward, often operated not as a liberatory movement but as a bureaucratically sanitized mode of abandonment. The paper frames this shift as a passive continuation of eugenic logic through infrastructural neglect, underfunding, and the social invisibilization of marginalized lives.
1. Introduction The deinstitutionalization movement is often celebrated as a landmark moment in the moral progress of mental health policy. However, beneath this veneer of liberation lies a more troubling reality: the mass discharge of individuals from psychiatric institutions into ill-prepared and underfunded community settings. This paper reinterprets deinstitutionalization as a transition from visible containment to invisible abandonment.
2. Historical Trajectory and Policy Context Lamb and Bachrach (2001) and Mechanic (2007) document how deinstitutionalization was propelled more by fiscal austerity than by genuine investment in human dignity. The closure of asylums was not met with a commensurate rise in community care. Instead, a fragile and fragmented patchwork of services emerged—often poorly integrated, inconsistently funded, and inaccessible to those with the most complex needs.
The 2015 GAO report underscores the enduring fragmentation in federal efforts to coordinate mental health services. Torrey et al. (2014) note a nationwide shortage of psychiatric beds, while Walker et al. (2015) document premature mortality rates—10 to 25 years lower—among people with serious mental illness.
3. Transcarceration and Structural Neglect The Bureau of Justice Statistics (2017) reveals staggering levels of mental illness in carceral institutions, suggesting that jails and prisons have become the new de facto asylums. This transcarceration is not a neutral shift in service location but a rebranding of confinement under punitive logics.
Ben-Moshe (2020) frames this dynamic as a mode of "carceral ableism," wherein disability is managed through exclusion and punishment rather than care or inclusion. In this model, deinstitutionalization does not abolish the total institution; it migrates it.
4. Eugenic Logics by Other Means Alexandra Minna Stern (2005) and Susan Schweik (2009) trace the historical continuities between overt eugenic practices and contemporary policies that indirectly eliminate disabled lives. Rather than sterilization or segregation, today’s eugenic impulses operate through economic disqualification, invisibilization, and neglect.
Judith Butler’s (2004) concept of "grievable lives" is central here. The deaths, suffering, and marginalization of individuals with mental illness are largely unmarked and socially disavowed. This absence of public grief reflects a deeper societal judgment about which lives are worth supporting.
5. Bureaucratic Violence and the Dispersal of Accountability Mol and Law (2002) describe how modern bureaucracies distribute responsibility in such a way that systemic harm is no one’s fault. This logic permeates mental health policy: from federal inaction to local disinvestment, no single actor is held accountable. Yet the consequences—early death, incarceration, homelessness—are brutally real.
The result is a condition of structural abandonment that enacts what may be called passive elimination. The non-normative are not directly removed but are instead made to disappear through neglect.
6. Conclusion This paper reframes deinstitutionalization not as a moral victory but as a quiet mechanism of disappearance. It fulfills eugenic ambitions without scandal, achieves segregation without walls, and sustains eliminationist outcomes under the guise of freedom. Future policy must begin by naming this abandonment and addressing the moral, political, and material infrastructures that sustain it.
Yes, I am familiar with necklacing—a brutal method of execution and torture that involves placing a rubber tire filled with gasoline around a person's chest and arms, then setting it on fire. The person is burned alive, often in a public setting. Tragically, people with mental illnesses have been killed by necklacing, often in contexts where mental illness is misunderstood, stigmatized, or associated with criminality, witchcraft, or possession. While there is limited systematic data due to the informal and extrajudicial nature of such killings, reports from various countries—especially in parts of sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America—document mob violence against individuals perceived as "mad" or "possessed." In some cases, this escalates to necklacing.
Situations Where This Occurs:
-
Accusations of witchcraft or possession: People with visible or disruptive psychiatric symptoms may be accused of being witches or cursed, especially in rural or low-resource settings. In some communities, this can lead to public torture or execution—often by burning, including necklacing.
-
Fear-based vigilante justice: In unstable areas where formal institutions (police, courts, hospitals) are weak or mistrusted, mobs may interpret erratic behavior as a threat. People experiencing psychosis, mania, or severe trauma may be perceived as criminals or dangerous spirits.
-
Scapegoating and dehumanization: During periods of social breakdown, displaced aggression and fear often target the most vulnerable. Mentally ill individuals are especially at risk of being seen as nonpersons or threats to social order.
Examples:
-
In Nigeria, South Africa, and Haiti, reports over the years have documented people with mental illness killed in mob justice incidents—sometimes by fire.
-
In South African townships in the 1980s and 1990s, mentally ill people were occasionally swept up in necklacing campaigns intended to target informants or "enemies," due to confusion, scapegoating, or the breakdown of social protections.
-
Uganda and Tanzania have reported killings of mentally ill persons linked to witchcraft accusations.
Broader Dynamics:
These killings are not only about individual pathology or mob violence—they’re about how society treats difference when under stress, especially when governance, care systems, and cultural understanding fail. Mental illness becomes a signifier of disorder or danger, and without protective frameworks, the result is often elimination rather than care.
Would you like to look into any specific country or case? Or relate this to broader questions of deinstitutionalization or state neglect?
You said:
ChatGPT said:
Thank you for steering it that way—the connection between necklacing (or other mob forms of execution) and the broader dynamics of deinstitutionalization, state neglect, and failed care infrastructures is not only crucial but often deliberately overlooked.
❖ Deinstitutionalization and the Collapse of Mediating Institutions
Deinstitutionalization was framed—especially in the West—as a liberation from oppressive psychiatric institutions. But what often replaced institutional care was nothing: no housing, no sustained medical support, no community scaffolding. In the Global South, where such institutions were often fragile or colonial in origin, deinstitutionalization never arrived as reform but rather as abandonment. As economic pressures intensified, and state legitimacy eroded under structural adjustment or corruption, even basic psychiatric care disappeared.
In this vacuum, mentally ill individuals are no longer seen, housed, or held by any civic structure. Instead, they appear in the street, in the village square, or in front of a marketplace—untranslated and unprotected, interpreted by local logics.
And where interpretation is left to fear and stigma, the mad person becomes the witch, the spy, the unclean, the threat.
❖ From Uncare to Elimination: The Logic of Unmediated Exposure
This leads to what Giorgio Agamben might call “bare life”—life that can be killed without consequence because it has no political or juridical recognition. People with severe mental illness, especially when abandoned by institutions, live in a state of unmediated exposure to society—no one translates or buffers their presence. They are:
-
Not citizens (they cannot vote or speak for themselves)
-
Not patients (because care is absent or contingent)
-
Not criminals (until labeled as such by the mob)
-
Not family (often disowned or neglected)
They become ontologically confusing: alive, but socially dead. And when a society is stretched thin, it resolves such confusion by elimination.
Necklacing, burning, lynching, and disappearance are not simply acts of anger—they are ritual expulsions of that which the social body can no longer absorb or metabolize. They are grotesque performances of boundary enforcement in places where law, care, and speech have failed.
❖ Deinstitutionalization as Misframed Liberation
The Western myth is that deinstitutionalization meant progress—freedom from asylums, normalization, reintegration. But when exported or mirrored elsewhere without material and institutional support, it functioned as a moralizing withdrawal: “Let them live freely” becomes “Let them die invisibly.” Or in this case, very visibly.
The disintegration of psychiatric care, without a simultaneous reweaving of social supports and epistemic translations of madness, leads not to liberation but to hyper-visibility without protection—a stage set for public violence.
❖ Modern Analogues
In contemporary mental health policy, we still see these logics play out, though usually in subtler forms:
-
People with mental illness dying in police custody or on the street because no one was able or willing to intervene.
-
Refugees and disabled persons languishing in detention centers without care.
-
The use of “behavioral” categories to criminalize or expel rather than understand, diagnose, treat or support.
-
The framing of people as “noncompliant,” “treatment-resistant,” or “unshelterable”—a semantic cousin of disposability.
❖ Final Thought
Necklacing is a horror—but it is not an aberration. It is what happens when the removal of mediation becomes normalized—when the mentally ill are not protected by the state, not sheltered by institutions, not translated by culture, not seen by neighbors.
The real horror is not the tire and the fire. It is the moment before, when no one speaks, no one translates, no one intervenes—because the person has already been rendered non-person.
Would you like this reframed into a more formal or essayistic structure?
No comments:
Post a Comment