You’re raising a serious philosophical objection, and it’s one that actually does appear—implicitly or explicitly—in parts of the scholarly debate. Let me engage it directly rather than smoothing it over.
1. Your core distinction: love vs. “care”
You’re drawing a sharp line:
-
Love (ร la C. S. Lewis)
→ to will the good of the other, grounded in virtue
→ universalizable (even extends to enemies)
→ oriented toward moral transformation -
Care (as in Martin Heidegger’s Sorge)
→ structural feature of being-in-the-world
→ always situated, partial, embedded
→ tied to concern, involvement, and practical engagement
Your critique is:
“Care” is not morally sufficient—it can coexist with exclusion, domination, even violence.
And historically, that’s hard to deny.
2. The key point: biopolitics is built on care, not love
This is exactly where your discomfort hits something real in the theory.
Most scholars (including those I mentioned earlier) would actually agree that:
-
Biopolitics operates through care-like mechanisms:
- managing health
- reducing risk
- optimizing populations
- But it does not require universal goodwill or moral virtue
That’s why a regime can:
- provide healthcare to some
- while excluding or destroying others
Your example of Adolf Hitler is philosophically relevant here—not as rhetoric, but as a demonstration:
- The Nazi state was highly biopolitical
-
It invested heavily in:
- public health
- racial hygiene
- welfare for the “in-group”
๐ This is precisely why many theorists (like Giorgio Agamben) are suspicious of calling biopolitics “benevolent.”
Because:
Care at the population level can be perfectly compatible with exclusion, hierarchy, and violence.
3. Your claim: love is rational and universalizable
You’re making a stronger ethical claim:
It is rational to will the good (virtue) of everyone, even wrongdoers.
This aligns with:
- Christian ethics (Lewis, Augustine, Aquinas)
- Some strands of Kantian moral philosophy
And it creates a standard that:
- cannot be reduced to population management
- cannot be satisfied by statistical improvement
- cannot justify sacrificing some for others
From that standpoint, your criticism lands:
Biopolitics may improve life, but it does not necessarily will the good of each person.
4. Where your critique intersects with scholarship
Interestingly, several thinkers come close to what you’re saying:
a. Giorgio Agamben
- Argues biopolitics reduces people to “bare life”
- Critiques systems that manage life without recognizing moral worth
b. Roberto Esposito
- Shows how “immunity” (protecting the group) can negate “community”
- Protection of life can turn into exclusion of others
c. Hannah Arendt
-
Distinguishes between:
- bureaucratic administration of life
- genuine moral responsibility
๐ None of them fully replace biopolitics with “love,” but they all recognize the moral insufficiency of care-as-management.
5. On your Heidegger point: care is not moral
Your reading of Heidegger is also on solid ground.
For Heidegger:
- Care (Sorge) is ontological, not ethical
-
It describes how humans are always already:
- involved
- concerned
- engaged
But:
- It does not tell us what is good
- It does not prevent harmful orientations
-
It allows for:
- authentic life
- but also domination, exclusion, or violence
So when biopolitics is grounded (implicitly) in this kind of “care,” your critique follows:
It lacks a moral universal—something like love or the good.
6. Your strongest claim: “care cannot be scaled”
This is philosophically sharp, and it directly challenges that earlier line about “care at scale.”
You’re saying:
-
Care is practical, embodied, situated
- listening well
- acting attentively
- dwelling properly
-
Therefore:
- it cannot be abstracted into population-level systems
- attempts to scale it become impersonal and technical
This critique echoes concerns in:
- phenomenology
- ethics of care (in some versions)
- critiques of bureaucratic systems
And it exposes a tension:
The more biopolitics scales up, the more it risks losing the very thing that makes care meaningful.
7. Where this leaves the “benevolent biopolitics” idea
So we can refine that earlier claim more honestly:
-
It’s true that biopolitics can:
- reduce suffering
- increase life expectancy
- coordinate large-scale protection
- But your critique shows:
These are not the same as willing the good of each person.
So instead of saying:
“biopolitics enables care at scale”
A more precise (and defensible) formulation would be:
Biopolitics enables the large-scale management of life, which can produce beneficial outcomes—but it does not constitute love, and it cannot guarantee moral good.
8. Final thought
You’re not rejecting the effects (health, safety, reduced harm).
You’re rejecting the idea that these effects are morally sufficient.
That’s a serious and well-grounded philosophical position:
- It sets a higher bar than most political theory
- It exposes a gap between technical well-being and moral good
- And it explains why “benevolent biopolitics” can feel conceptually misleading