Saturday, 5 July 2025

 

๐Ÿ”ป Resentment Is a Residue of Justice:

Rethinking Moral Emotion Through de Waal, Ethics, and Political Life

1. ๐Ÿง  The Ethology of Fairness: de Waal’s Monkeys

Frans de Waal’s research, particularly his experiment with capuchin monkeys, gives us something radical:
Resentment—long considered a uniquely human or “fallen” emotion—is evolutionarily ancient.

  • In the now-famous cucumber vs. grape experiment, capuchin monkeys showed clear resentment when they saw a peer rewarded more richly for the same effort.

  • The “slighted” monkey:

    • Refused the cucumber

    • Threw it back

    • Exhibited signs of protest and frustration

This wasn’t random agitation. It was a social reaction to injustice—the raw expression of proto-moral indignation.

✳️ Resentment here is not pettiness—it's the social organism signaling: “Something has broken.”

De Waal’s broader claim:

  • Fairness, reciprocity, and protest behaviors are deeply ingrained in social species.

  • These aren’t “moral” in a philosophical sense, but they are the biological substratum of morality.


2. ๐Ÿ“œ Philosophical Implications: The Misreading of Resentment

Philosophical traditions often treat resentment with suspicion:

  • Nietzsche viewed ressentiment as the resentment of the weak, the sickly, the unsuccessful—those who, unable to act, moralize their impotence into universal ethics.

  • Some mystical or religious systems similarly portray resentment as a failure to accept divine will, karma, or cosmic balance.

But what if this is a category error?

Consider:

  • Ivan Karamazov’s rejection of divine harmony bought with the blood of children.

  • The rage of enslaved and colonized peoples.

  • The voice that says: “No, it is not okay, and never will be.”

Is that resentment—or is that the only sane response to a world structured by injustice?

๐Ÿงญ Frans de Waal’s research undercuts Nietzsche at the root: it shows that resentment is not decadence, but an evolutionary tool for navigating social fairness.

Resentment becomes not a personal failure, but a moral signal—an embodied protest.


3. ๐Ÿ›️ Political Implications: The Demonization of the Resentful

Modern politics often dismisses resentment as:

  • Reactionary

  • Childish

  • Dangerous

  • Unproductive

But in doing so, it de-legitimizes the felt knowledge of being wronged.

  • Minority rage, disabled frustration, working-class anger, postcolonial grief—these are often reclassified as irrational, uncivil, or “resentful.”

  • Meanwhile, those who benefit from existing structures are framed as “calm,” “measured,” “reasonable.”

This is not moral clarity—it’s epistemic violence.

๐Ÿงจ To pathologize resentment is to protect the systems that produce it.


4. ๐Ÿ” Resentment as a Moral Feedback Loop

What if resentment is:

  • A biological inheritance, evolved for group cohesion.

  • A moral response, indicating real relational rupture.

  • A political tool, when weaponized against systems of harm.

Then its repression is not virtue—it is a kind of complicity. A system that forces people to swallow their resentment becomes a system that de-commissions moral agency.

We don’t need to worship resentment—but we must stop pretending it’s the problem.


๐Ÿ”š Conclusion: The Last Trace of Good

Resentment is what remains when justice is denied but not forgotten.

It is what flares when one still believes the world ought to be otherwise.

From capuchin monkeys to concentration camps, from children on playgrounds to prisoners of history—resentment is not a failure of virtue. It is the residue of moral expectation surviving in the wreckage of betrayal.

✍️ It is not resentment that should be silenced, but the world that made it necessary.

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The expendable are often marked not by their choices, but by their lack of social legibility—illness, unpredictability, incoherence, poverty...