Cairney

Problem definition has a technical element, but is always about power and politics

To some extent, problem definition is a technical exercise conducted with limited resources and in cooperation with others. Problem definition requires analysts to gather sufficient data on its severity, urgency, cause, and our ability to solve it (Dunn, 2017). Recognise that you are not an expert in the policy problem, but don’t define the wrong problem by generating insufficient knowledge (Weimer and Vining, 2017). Recognise the value of multiple perspectives, such as from many stakeholders with different views (Dunn, 2017; Meltzer and Schwartz, 2019: 40-5; Mintrom, 2012: 3; 58-60). This process may begin from a client’s perspective, but avoid defining a problem so narrowly that it closes off discussion too quickly (Meltzer and Schwartz, 2019: 51-2). Place your client’s initial ‘diagnosis’ in a wider perspective (Weimer and Vining, 2017). Define the nature and size of a policy problem, and the role of government in solving it (Mintrom, 2012). Then, frame it as ‘a market or government failure (or maybe both)’, to show how individual or collective choices produce inefficient allocations of resources and poor outcomes (Weimer and Vining, 2017: 59-201). As such, problem definition is a juggling act, containing data, client perspectives, and a professional commitment to a wider view. As Mintrom describes, engage with your audience to work out what they need and when, use your ‘critical abilities’ to ask yourself ‘why they have been presented in specific ways, what their sources might be, and why they have arisen at this time’, and present ‘alternative scenarios’ (2012: 22; 20; 27; 81). Meltzer and Schwarz prompt you to ask yourself if you can generate a timeline, identify key stakeholders, and place a ‘boundary’ on the problem. Establish if the problem is urgent, who cares about it, and who else might care (2019: 46). ‘Map’ causation with reference to individual and structural causes, intended and unintended consequences, simple and complex causation, market or government 10 failure, and/ or the ability to blame an individual or organisation (2019: 48-9). Combine quantitative and qualitative data to frame problems in relation to: severity, trends in severity, novelty, proximity to your audience, and urgency or crisis (2019: 53-4). For Dunn, (2017), ‘problem-structuring methods’ are crucial, to: compare ways to define or interpret a problem, and ward against making too many assumptions about its nature and cause; produce models of cause-and-effect; and make a problem seem solve-able, such as by placing boundaries on its coverage. These methods foster creativity, which is useful when issues seem new and ambiguous, or new solutions are in demand (2017: 54; 69; 77; 81-107). However, problem definition is primarily a political process involving actors exercising power – through argumentation - to make sure that policymakers see a problem from a particular perspective (2017: 79). Policy analysts are not objective observers of this process. Rather, their analysis is part of a narrative to evaluate the nature, cause, size, and urgency of an issue (Meltzer and Schwartz, 2019: 38-40). As such, analysts need to find effective ways to be influential in that context (Bardach, 2012). They also need to reflect on their own biases, and those of their clients, and how they might negotiate problem definition in that context (Meltzer and Schwartz, 2019: 37-8; 50; 279-82). This political process extends to the evaluation of policies, since few problems are solved, and debates on the success or failure of previous initiatives often sets the current agenda (Dunn, 2017: 57). If so, recognise whose evaluations or interests seem to count in such debates. Put most starkly, facts about the impacts of policy on people have little meaning until we decide whose experiences matter, and our values and beliefs influence how we gauge success (Dunn, 2017: 322-32).